Establishing ethnic equality in Myanmar is urgently
needed and is seen as one of the key solutions to end the seventy years of
ethnic armed conflict in the country. However, some people and political
leaders may have a lack of understanding of what conditions must be fulfilled
to achieve ethnic equality in Myanmar. A lack of clarity about the different conditions
for ethnic equality is likely to prevent people from understanding the importance
of ethnic equality in the country’s processes of peacebuilding and building a
union.
In Myanmar, equality can be divided
into three categories: individual, collective and ethnic equality. Examples of
individual equality are equal voting rights for all citizens, equal employment
opportunities, equality before the law, and so on. Collective equality is the
equality of collective groups of people, such as a students’ union or a farmers’
association. However, individual and collective equality are not the main type
of equality demanded by Myanmar’s ethnic population but are only part of their
broader demands. It is ethnic equality that they have been demanding for a long
time. Within Myanmar, however, there are six conditions that must be fulfilled
to achieve ethnic equality, and it is important to carefully study each condition.
The first condition is that
all ethnic groups living in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar have equal
rights to promote, preserve and protect their respective cultures, languages,
traditions and socio-economic development within the Union. Unfortunately, such
an equality came to an end in Myanmar when the country became independent in
1948. After 2010, some ethnic groups were allowed to study their respective
languages in primary schools, but only after regular school hours. The teachers
who teach ethnic languages are appointed as daily paid teachers and have not
yet been regularized. It seems that concrete actions to fulfil this condition
for ethnic equality in the country are missing.
The second condition is that
there is no difference in denomination between States and Regions anymore. In
Myanmar, 14 political units have been created within the Union, and each of
them is said to have an equal political status. Surprisingly, seven of them are
called “States” and the remaining seven are called “Regions”. Whereas the States
seem to represent the non-Bama ethnic groups, the Regions seem to represent the
majority Bama ethnic group. It is difficult to understand why these different
names have been given to the territories and to find a leader who can explain
this. Giving different names to Myanmar’s territories is unjust and unfair because
it promotes discrimination between the people of the States and the people of
the Regions. Concrete action to solve this issue and to fulfil this condition
for ethnic equality in the country is nowhere to be found.
The third condition is that
all States and Regions have their own independent legislative, executive and
judiciary bodies. Instead of creating such bodies in every State and Region,
strong centralization has been implemented since the start of the formation of
the Union of Myanmar in 1947 to dominate the governments of the States and
Regions. As a result, the State and Region governments in Myanmar have become
subordinate to the Union government, which also put an end to the equal
treatment of the country’s ethnic population. Unfortunately, there is still no concrete
action on the formation of independent legislative, executive and judiciary
bodies in every State and Region.
The fourth condition is a fair
power-sharing arrangement between the Union government and the State and Region
governments. This is considered one of the most important conditions for ethnic
equality in Myanmar, but power sharing between the Union government and the State
and Region governments is unfortunately still unfair to this day. While all
major powers are in the hands of the Union government, the State and Region governments
have only limited powers. An example is that the people of the States and
Regions do not have the right to elect their own Chief Ministers. Concrete measures
to give the State and Region governments more autonomy are also completely
lacking.
The fifth condition relates to
the election of representatives in the upper house of the national parliament
by all States and Regions. At present, each State and Region has the right to elect
12 representatives in the upper house. Although this number is the same for every
State and Region, some ethnic leaders argue that this gives the Bama ethnic representatives
a majority, as they are elected by seven Regions.
The sixth condition concerns
the number of States and Regions created within the Union. Surprisingly, ethnic
leaders have different opinions and understandings about this. One group, for
example, believes that “creating eight states in Myanmar, based on ethnicity,
is ethnic equality”, arguing that the existing seven ethnic States should be
recognized as they are, and that a new state should be created for the majority
Bama ethnic people. Another group believes that ethnic equality will be
achieved through the continuation of the existing seven States, supplemented by
another four to five multi-ethnic States created from the existing seven Regions.
Yet another group believes that “recognizing the seven States and seven Regions
as fourteen States and giving the same name to all is an example of ethnic
equality”. The different views on the number of States and Regions underline the
urgent need for ethnic political leaders to talk to each other to decide how
many states should be created in Myanmar.
The conditions described above
show that ethnic equality in Myanmar does not have to be very extreme or
complicated and could be fairly simple and reasonable, but the problem is that every
concrete action to fulfil the conditions remains undecided. It can be argued
that a lack of clarity about the conditions for ethnic equality tends to
undermine the relations between the ethnic political leaders, the Bama ethnic
political leaders and the military, and gives rise to doubt and suspicion among
the people of Myanmar. The readers of this article are therefore encouraged to
focus on the different conditions that must be fulfilled and to continue
supporting the peace process to achieve ethnic equality and peace for all.