The 2008 Constitution and Ethnic
Issues:
To What Extent Did It Satisfy the
Aspirations of Various Ethnic Groups?
This paper was first presented at a
workshop titled ‘Can Political Reforms Bring Peace to Myanmar?’ organized by
the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) and Myanmar Peace Centre which was
held the 13-14 October
Abstract
Since the beginning, in 1961 at the Taungyi
Conference, the “Federal Movement”, which would eventually result in a military
coup in 1962, the ethnic nationalities in Burma have all been consistently
demanding the rebuilding of the Union of Burma based on the spirit of Panglong
and the principles of democracy, political equality and internal
self-determination. They have further argued that the constitution of the Union
should be formed in accordance with the principles of federalism and democratic
decentralization, which would guarantee the democratic rights
of citizens of
Burma including the
principles contained in
the United Nation's declaration
of universal human rights. On the formation of a genuine Federal Union, ethnic
nationalities demand that all member states of the Union have their separate
constitutions, their own organs of state, that is, State Legislative Assembly,
State Government and State Supreme Court.
In their proposal, the ethnic nationalities
demanded that the Union Assembly should be a bicameral legislature consisting
of a Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House) and a Chamber of Deputies (Lower
House), and each member state of the Union should send an equal number of
representatives to the Upper House regardless of its population or size. They
also demand that the Union of Burma be composed of National States; and all
National States of the Union be constituted in terms of ethnicity or historic
ethnic homelands, rather than geographical areas. Moreover, the residual
powers, that is, all powers, except those given by member states to the federal
center, or the Union, must be vested in the Legislative Assembly of the
National State. In this way, the Union Constitution automatically allocates
political authority of legislative, judicial, and administrative powers to the
Ethnic National States. Thus, all member states of the Union would be able to
exercise the right of self-determination freely through the right of
self-government within their respective National States.
When the military regime, which
traditionally was the strongest opponent of the ethnic nationalities’ demands,
adopted a new
constitution in 2008
it contained certain elements of federalism. These included a bicameral
legislature consisting of a Amyotha Hlutdaw and a Pyituh Hlutdaw, equal
representation from each state at a Chamber of Nationalities, and all member
states of the Union having their own separate State Assemblies and State
governments.
This paper will address to what extent the
2008 Constitution satisfies the aspirations of various the Ethnic Nationalities
in Burma. I shall, however, limit myself in this paper within the
constitutional framework of
the “form of
state” - that
is, how the
Union is structured and how much
power and status is given to member states of the Union.
Background
On 12 February 1947, the Union of Burma was
founded at the Panglong Conference by four former British colonies; these were
primarily the Chin Hills, the Kachin Hills, the Federated Shan States and Burma
Proper, all of which already had their own constitutions. The British had
occupied these four colonies separately as independent nations in different
periods of time and had applied different administrative systems in accordance
with the different constitutions that the colonial power had promulgated for
them. The British officially promulgated the Chinram Constitution, called the
“Chin Hills Regulation,” in 1896, the “Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation” in 1895,
the “1919 Act of Federated Shan States” in 1920, and the “1935 Burma Act” in
1937. The Chin Hills Regulation of 1896 covered present Chin State in Burma,
present Mizoram State, Nagaland State, and part of Manipur and Meghalaya States
in India. The 1935 Burma Act was applied to the area of the pre-colonial
Myanmar/Burman Kingdom, which included the former Arakan and Mon Kingdoms as well as delta areas of Karen
country.
The 1947 Panglong Conference, thus, was
organized by the pre-colonial independent peoples and
nations, who in
principles had had
the right to
regain their independence separately from the Great
Britain and to form their own respective nation-states, or to remain as a
British Colony, or collective reclaim their independence and found a new
nation-state together. As mentioned in the Preamble of Panglong Agreement, they
all opted for the third options, which read: Believing that freedom will be
more speedily achieved by the Shans, the Kachins, and the Chins by their
immediate co-operation with the interim Burmese government.
The Panglong Agreement therefore
represented a joint vision of the future of the pre- colonial independent
peoples: namely the Chin, Kachin, Shan and the interim Burmese government led
by Chief Minister Aung San, who came into power in August 1946 according to the
Burma Act of 1935. The interim Burmese government was a government for the
region formerly known as Burma Proper or Ministerial Burma, which included such
non-Burman nationalities as the Mon, Rakhine (Arakan), and Karen. The Arakan and
Mon were included because they were occupied by the British not as independent
peoples but as the subjects of the kingdom of Burman or Myanmar.1 The Karens
were included in the Legislative Council of Ministerial Burma according to the
1935 Burma Act because the majority of the Karens (more than two-thirds of the
population) were living in delta areas side by side with the Burmans.2
Since these peoples were included in the
Legislative Council of Ministerial Burma, Aung San could represent them in
Panglong as the head of their government. Thus, the Panglong Agreement
should be viewed
as an agreement
to found a
new sovereign, independent
nation-state between peoples from pre-colonial independent nations of what they
then called Frontier Areas (Chin Hills and Kachin Hills), Federated Shan State
and Burma Proper, who in
principle had the right to
regain their independence
directly from Great Britain, and to form
their own respective nation-states. In
other words, the Panglong Agreement was an agreement signed between the peoples
of a post-colonial nation-state-to-be.3
The essence of the “Panglong Agreement”,
declared in its preamble was not only to hasten the ethnic peoples own search
for freedom but also to establish a new multi-national- state of the Union of
Burma for those who struggled together to free themselves from colonial power.
Therefore, based on the “Panglong Agreement”, the Constituent Assembly of the
Interim Government of the Union of Burma promulgated a new constitution on
September 24,
1947, thus paving the way for securing
“independence” from Great Britain on January 4,
1948. Ever since, the day the Union of
Burma gained independence in 1948, the same date as the Panglong Agreement was
signed, has been celebrated as Union Day.
The observance of February 12th as Union
Day means the mutual recognition of the Chin, Kachin, Shan and other
nationalities, including the Burmans, as “different people historically and
traditionally due to their differences in their languages as well as their
cultural life.”4 It is also the
recognition of the distinct national identity of the Chin, Kachin, Shan, and
other nationalities that had the right to gain their own independence
separately and to found
their own nation-state separately. In other
words, it is the recognition of pre-colonial independent status of the Chin, Kachin,
and Shan, and other nationalities as well as their post- colonial status of
nation-state-to-be.
Finding
the Method of Association: The Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry (The FACE)
Under the Aung San–Attlee Agreement, the Frontier Areas Commission
of Enquiry (the FACE) was formed to inquire through additional and
specific consultation into the wishes of the frontier peoples in order to find
what they called was the “Method of Association”. The agreement reads:
A Commission of Enquiry shall be set up
forthwith as the best method of associating the Frontier peoples with the
working out of the new Constitution for Burma. Such Commission will consist of
equal numbers of persons from Ministerial Burma, nominated by the Executive
Council, and of persons from the Frontier Areas, nominated by the Governor
after consultation with the leaders of the areas, with a neutral Chairman from outside
of Burma selected by agreement. Such Committee shall be asked to report to the
Government of Burma and His Majesty’s Government before the summoning of the
Constituent Assembly.5
The British government appointed Col. D. R.
Rees-William as Chairman of the FACE. Since the commission conducted its
inquiry after the signing of the Panglong Agreement, during March and April
1947, the evidence they heard was generally in favour of cooperation with Burma
Proper or Ministerial Burma. The reason for conducting the FACE inquiry, as
defined in its objective, was to find out the “best method of association” with
the purpose of formulating the basic principles of a new Constitution; but,
whether this new Constitution would become a Constitution of Federated Burma or
a Unitary Burma depended heavily on the finding of the inquiry. The key to such
an endeavour, therefore, was to find out the desires of the Frontier Peoples:
What kind of a new country they wanted to build together, a Federal Union or a
Unitary State? And what kind of political system they wish to establish for
themselves? As such, the FACE was assigned not only to find out the desires of
the Frontier Peoples but to find the means and ways of the “coming together” of
historically, politically, culturally, and ethnically different peoples as
members of a new nation-state of federation called the Union of Burma.
Since
the FACE inquiry
was conducted in
order to supplement
the Panglong Agreement as a
transitional process, or what can be called the second phase of a “negotiation
process”, the findings of the inquiry, based on and together with the Panglong
Agreement, would become the basis for a new constitution of the Union of Burma.
As the commission was assigned such important tasks, the FACE conducted its
inquiry in such a way that the peoples of the Frontier Areas would be allowed
to express their desires not only through oral testimonies but also by
submitting written memoranda both collectively and individually. The FACE, thus,
conducted a series of interviews
not only with the signatories of Panglong Agreement, namely the peoples
from the Chin Hills, Kachin Hills, and Federated Shan States.
The FACE also granted a chance to express
the desires of the non-Burma ethnic peoples from Ministerial Burma, or Burma
Proper, namely the Arakan, Karen and Mon. Surprisingly, they, the FACE also
conducted interviews with two groups of the Karenni. The Karenni actually
should not be included; because it was recognized as an independent country
during the entire colonial period. (In the later years, the Karenni people
denounced those who met with the FACE as traitors to their people and their
country.) The FACE, since knowing the background history of Karenni, suggested
that the question of the future of Karenni, along with the political future of
the Chin, should be “a matter for negotiation and discussion in the Constituent
Assembly”.
The Chin, Kachin, and Shan, the signatories
of the Panglong Agreement, collectively submitted a written memorandum to the
FACE in the name of the Supreme Council of United Hills Peoples (SCOUHP), which
was formed as the Interim Authority for the Frontier Areas for a transitional
period at the Panglong Conference, in parallel with the interim Burmese
government headed by Aung San. The SCOUHP memorandum highlighted three main
issues, namely, (i) Equal rights with the Burman, (ii) Full internal autonomy
for Hill Areas [that is, ethnic national states of the Chin, Kachin and Shan],
and (iii) The right of secession from Burma at any time.6 The SCOUHP memorandum
also specified the composition and selection method of the “Constituent
Assembly”, which would draft the Constitution of the Union of Burma; the State
and Federal relations, especially the division of powers between the two levels
of government by emphasizing the subject that should be dealt by the Federal
Government; and the form of Federal Government in which they demanded equal
rights and equal opportunity for Hill States. The full texts read as follows:
(1)
Representative members to the Constituent Assembly to be nominated by
the Provincial Councils proportionately on
intellectual basis, irrespective
of race, creed and religion as far as the Hill Areas are concerned.
(2)
To take part in the Burmese Constituent Assembly on population basis,
but no decision to be effected in matters regarding a particular area without
2/3rd majority of votes of the Representatives of the Areas concerned. (Special
consideration for Chins in view of divergence of language, customs and
difficult means of communication.)
(a)
Equal Rights for all.
(b)
Full internal autonomy for Hill Areas, and
(c)
The right of secession from Burma at any time.
(3)
It is resolved that due provision shall be made in the future Burmese
Constitution that no diplomatic engagements shall be undertaken or appointments
made without prior reference to the Hill States.
(4)
In matters of common subjects, e.g. Defence, Foreign Relations, etc., no
decision shall be made without the proper consent of the majority of
representatives of the Hill States irrespective of the Burmese votes.
(5)
The provision shall be made in the Constitution of the Federated Burma
that any change, amendment or modification affecting the
Hill States, either directly or indirectly, shall not be
made without a clear majority of 2/3rd votes of the representatives of the Hill
States.
(6)
When opinion as to the interpretation of the terms in the Constitution,
the matter shall be referred for decision to a bench of the High Court of
Judicature at Rangoon comprising the Chief Justice and two other Justices (the
Supreme Court, the appointment or selection of which judges should by convention
be approved of the Federated Government).
(7)
The total numbers of the Burmese members in the Federal Cabinet shall
not exceed the total numbers of the Frontier States in the said Cabinet.
Since the Chin, Kachin and Shan had already
signed the Panglong Agreement, in which they had agreed to join the interim
Burmese government, the essence of the Memorandum they submitted to the FACE
was to establish the conditions for joining the Union and to find the method of
association with the interim Burmese government. The Memorandum, therefore,
highlighted the fact that the conditions for joining the Union would be a
federal basis with a strong emphasis on the federal principles of both
“self-rule” and “shared-rule”, and the right to secede from the Federation at
any time after the attainment of freedom.
The 1947 Constitution and Ethnic
Issues
At the Panglong Conference in 1947, the
Chin, Kachin, Shan and other non-Burman nationalities were promised, as
Silverstein observes, the right to exercise political authority of
[administrative, judiciary, and legislative powers in their own autonomous
national states] and to preserve
and protect their language, culture,
and religion in
exchange for voluntarily joining the Burman in forming a
political union and giving their loyalty to a new state.7
Unfortunately, Aung San, who persuaded the
Chin, Kachin, Shan and other non- Burman nationalities to join Independent
Burma as equal partners, was assassinated by U Saw on July 19, 1947. He was
succeeded by U Nu as leader of the AFPFL. When U Nu became the leader of the
AFPFL, the politics of Burmese independence movement shifted in a retro-
historical direction, backward toward the Old Kingdom of Myanmar or Burman. The
new backward-looking policies did nothing to accommodate non-Myanmar/Burman
nationalities who had agreed to join Independent Burma only for the sake of
“speeding up freedom”.
As a leader of the AFPFL, the first thing U
Nu did was to give an order to U Chan Htun to re-draft Aung San’s version of
the Union Constitution, which had already been approved by the AFPFL Convention
in May 1947. U Chan Htun’s version of the Union Constitution was promulgated by
the Constituent Assembly of the interim government of Burma in September 1947.
Thus, the fate of the country and the people, especially the fate of the
non-Burman/Myanmar nationalities, changed dramatically between July and
September 1947. As a consequence, Burma did not become a genuine federal union,
as U Chan Htun himself admitted to historian Hugh Tinker. He told Tinker, “Our
country, though in theory federal, is in practice unitary.”8
U Chan Htun had reversed all these
principles of a Federal Union after Aung San was assassinated. According to U
Chan Htun’s version of the Union Constitution, Burma Proper or the ethnic
Burman/Myanmar did not form their own separate National State; instead they
combined the power of the Burman/Myanmar National State with sovereign
authority of the whole Union of Burma. Thus, while one ethnic group, the
Burman/ Myanmar, controlled the sovereign power of the Union, that is,
legislative, judiciary, and administrative powers of the Union of Burma; the
rest of the ethnic nationalities who formed their own respective National
States became almost
like “vassal states”
of the ethnic
Burman or Myanmar.
This constitutional arrangement was totally unacceptable to the Chin,
Kachin and Shan who had signed the Panglong Agreement on the principle of
equality, a view that was shared by the other nationalities.
The second flaw in the 1947 Union
Constitution, in the view of ethnic nationalities, was the structure of the
Chamber of Nationalities. The original idea of the creation of the Chamber of
Nationalities was that it was not only to safeguard the rights of non-Burman
nationalities but also the symbolic and real equality envisaged at the Panglong
Conference. Thus, what they wanted was that each National State should have the
right to send equal
representatives to the Chamber of
Nationalities, no matter how big or small their National State might be. But
what had happened, based on U Chan Htun’s Union Constitution, was that while
all the non-Burman nationalities had to send their tribal or local chiefs and
princes to the Chamber of Nationalities; it allowed Burma Proper to elect
representatives to the Chamber of Nationalities based on population. Thus, the
Burman or Myanmar from Burma Proper, who composed the majority in terms of
population, was given domination of the Union Assembly.
In this way, the Union Assembly, according
to U Chan Htun’s version of the 1947
Union Constitution, was completely under
the control of the Burman or Myanmar ethnic nationality. Not only did the
powerful Chamber of Deputies have the power to thwart aspirations and the
interests of non-Burman nationalities, but the Burmans also dominated the
Chamber of Nationalities. That
was the reason
why the total
votes of non-Burman nationalities could
not block the
state religion bill
in 1961 even
at the Chamber
of Nationalities. Thus, all the non-Burman nationalities now viewed the
Union Constitution itself as an instrument for imposing “a tyranny of majority”
and not as their protector.
The 1961 Taungyi Conference and
Federal Seminars
On 8-16 June 1961, the Supreme Council of
the United Hills Peoples (SCOUHP) organized a conference in Taungyi to discuss
the constitutional crisis that all ethnic nationalities had endured, and to
find means and ways to amend the Union Constitution. The conference,
financially sponsored jointly
by the governments
of Shan State
and Karenni State,
was attended by all the non-Burman ethnic nationalities who demanded
statehood in the Union, namely, for the Chin, Mon, and Rakhine; and those who
had already formed States, namely, the Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Shan. No
Burman or Myanmar ethnic nationality and parties were invited.
After nine days of deliberations and heated
debates, the Taungyi Conference passed five resolutions, which read as follows:
1. To strive in unity for the perpetuation
of the Union of Burma, for the developments of the states, and equality of all
ethnic nationalities, the conference unanimously passes a resolution for the
formation of an All States Unity Organization.
2.
As the present Constitution of the Union of Burma does not contain
sufficient provisions for the equality of states and ethnic nationalities, and
also with the desire for perpetuation, and out of the consideration for the
good of the Union of Burma, it is deemed
that a revision of the constitution has necessary. Therefore:
(a) The conference unanimously agrees to
endorse in principle the proposal for revising the Constitution of the Union of
Burma,
(b) A request will be made to revise the
Constitution of the Union of
Burma, based on the principles proposed by
Shan State.
3.
The conference expresses the desire that a National Convention, composed
of all nationalities in the whole Union, be immediately called at an
appropriate place to ensure that the development and prosperity of the Union of
Burma;
for the better and closer relationship of
the peoples of the states within the Union; for consultation with one another
on the question of equality of all citizens of the Union.
4. This conference passes a resolution
urging the Union government to immediately create new states within the Union
that meet requirement of statehood, to fulfil the strong desire of the Mon,
Rakhine and Chin nationalities.
5.
The conference passes a resolution denouncing the Kuomintang forces
which are committing armed aggression against the Union, and earnestly praises
the Armed Forces which are driving out the KMT forces with might and aim (Sai
Aung Tun, 2009: 422)
As the resolution stated, the ethnic
leaders also decided to reform the Supreme Council of United Hills Peoples
(SCOUHP), which was established at the Panglong Conference in 1947, comprise of
the Chin, Kachin and Shan. They changed the name, from SCOUHP to the “States
Unity Organization”, and the membership also was extended, including, the
original members of the Chin, Kachin, and Shan, and the new members
of the Karen,
Karenni, Mon and
Rakhine. The States
Unity Organization was to be steered by a supervisory committee composed
of six representatives from each
state. The Taungyi
Conference formed an
Interim Executive Committee of the States Unity Organization, and Sao
Hkun Hkio, Chief Minister of Shan State Government was elected as the first
Chairman of the organization. The States Unity Organization eventually led the
constitutional reform, which came to be known as the “Federal Movement”.
At the Taungyi Conference, all the
delegates, apart from three cabinet members of U Nu’s government, agreed to
amend the Union Constitution, and adopted the document known as the
“Establishment of a Genuine Federal Union”, which served as the guiding
principles for the “Proposed Amendment of the Union Constitution”. The proposed
document contained the following headings:
1.
The Structure
2.
Distribution of Rights and Powers
3.
Establishment of Parliament
4.
Distribution of Union Revenues and Finance
5.
Complete Autonomy for the State.
The proposed document was based on what
came to be known as the “Shan Principles”, for it was first adopted by the Shan
State Council on January 24, 1961. The original version of the “Shan Principle”
read as follows:
That the provisions for equal rights and
opportunities between the various states and nationalities are not adequately
prescribes in the present Constitution of the Union of Burma.
To ensure that equal rights and
opportunities for all, the constitution should be revised in accordance with
the principles of a genuine federal constitution.
In redrafting the constitution in
accordance with genuine federal principles, the following basic requirements
for ensuring equality shall be included:
1. Establishment of a Burman [Myanmar]
state;
2. Assignment of
equal powers to
both chambers of
the Union parliament;
3. Each
state shall be
represented by an
equal number of representatives in the Chamber of
Nationalities;
4. The following departments shall be
vested in the Central Union, and all other powers, rights, and entitlements
shall be transferred to the states:
(a) Foreign Relations
(b) Union Defence
(c) Union Finance
(d) Coinage and Currency
(e) Post and Telecommunications (f) Rail, Air, and Water Transport (g) Union
Judiciary
(h) Collection of Custom duties are
Seaports
5. Union revenue shall be distributed
equally.
In order to establish a “Genuine Federal
Union”, it was suggested in the “Proposed Amendment of the Union Constitution”
to amend the Union Constitution that the “structure”, or what the social
scientist called “form of state”, should be amended first. A “Genuine Federal
Union” was meant to be a Union based on, and formed by, the constituent states,
all of which have an equal powers and the right to self-determination. Thus,
the formation of Union of Burma, according to the proposed document, should be
based on the constituent states of ethnic nationalities, including the ethnic
Burman/Myanmar; and all member states of the Union must have an equal political
powers of legislation, administration and jurisdiction; and all of them must
equally enjoy the right to internal self-determination, as it was agreed and
envisaged at the Panglong Conference.
They therefore demanded that the Union
Constitution be amended and a Genuine Federal Union be established, composed of
national states, including the Burman or Myanmar national state, all of which
would have the full rights of political autonomy by establishing their own
separate state legislative assembly, state government, and state supreme court.
In order to exercise the legislative, administrative and judicial powers
freely, and in accordance with the right to self-determination, all member
states of the Union should be granted the right to promulgate their respective
“state constitutions” within the legal framework of the Union Constitution.
They also demanded the establishment of Chin State, Mon State and Rakhine
(Arakan) State with full autonomous status and equal right to self-determination.
Regarding the distribution of power, or
what can be termed as the “states and federal relations”, the proposed
document pointed out that
the “distribution of power under the present Union Constitution was
contrary to the wishes of the frontier leaders”. Although “the Burma Proper was
not a constituent state, it held all the powers of the Union government, which
should not be the case” (Sai Aung Tun, 2009: 398). In contrast to the federal principle, the Union
Constitution had given the residuary powers to the Union Assembly while
strictly enumerated the state legislative powers. Although the state
legislative powers were listed in the constitution, the member states of the
Union could not enjoy political powers, especially the legislative power, in
practice. Since the states did not have separate state constitutions for their
respective states, the legislative power in a sense of the right to make laws
was in the hands of the Union Assembly. The state councils could discuss or
debate the bills, but they were not granted the legislative powers of passing
the bills into the laws, as Silverstein observes:
All legislation from the state council had
to be promulgated by the president. He could suspend promulgation and call upon
the Supreme Court for advice on questions of the constitutionality of any piece
of legislation, returning it if the court advised him it was faulty. The
constitution permitted the states to surrender their rights, territory, and
powers to the Union but did not permit the Union to reciprocate. In a
proclaimed state of emergency, the Union parliament could legislate for any
state on any matter regardless of legislative lists.9
Thus, the ethnic nationalities at the
Taungyi Conference, who eventually became members of the States Unity
Organization, demanded that in revising the constitution, the principles of a
genuine federalism must be applied, with the central government being given
only those powers concerning subjects common to all, while allowing the states
to retain all residual powers.
In order to establish a genuine Federal
Union, the third point they wanted to amend in the Union Constitution was the
structure and power of the Chamber of Nationalities, under the heading of the
“Establishment of Parliament”. The 1947 Union Constitution established the
Union parliament with two houses, the Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House)
and the Chamber of Deputies (Lower House). However, the Chamber of
Nationalities did not enjoy the same power as the Chamber of Deputies. Since the Union government was responsible
only to the Chamber of Deputies, Chamber of Nationalities had “little influence
and as such could not defend the rights of the states” (ibid). Moreover, as
mentioned in chapter one, the states did not have the right to send an equal
number of representatives to the Upper House. In revising the constitution, the
proposed document suggested that “the Chamber of Nationalities must be given
powers equal to those of Chamber of Deputies and every state should also have
the rights to send an equal number of representatives to the Chamber of
Nationalities” (Sai Aung Tun, 2009: 398).
The fourth point they would like to amend
in the Union Constitution was concerned with the Union revenues and budget
allocation, for which the document of the “Proposed Amendment of the Union
Constitution”, stated:
On the revenue apportioned to the states
under section 96 (1) of the constitution, apart from the revenue on lands and
forests, all the rest do not amount to anything. The revenues collected are
inadequate even for the current expenditure of the states. The states have to
depend on the grant from the Union provided under the exception to section 96.
The states have been unhappy with the way the revenues are distributed since
independence. No definite financial policy has been laid down up to now. That
is why, when the new truly federal constitution is drawn up, the question of
distributing revenues must be considered in depth, and enacted explicitly.
(Cited by Sai Aung Tun, 2009: 299).
Finally, the Taungyi Conference adopted
three principles for “Complete Autonomy for the States” as part and parcel of
“the “Establishment of a Genuine Federal Union”. The principles read as
follows:
1. The right of every constituent state,
including the Burman State which shall be established, to complete autonomy
shall be spelled out in the new constitution. The constitution shall require
that there be no interference by the central government or by other state in
the internal affairs of any state.
2. Since the revised new Constitution of
the Union of Burma will be of the genuine federal type, the states shall each
have their own constitution, their own State Legislative Assembly, their own
separate government, and their own distinct and separate judiciary and courts
of law, provided that these state institutions are not inconsistent with the
Central Union Constitution.
3. For those peoples who lack the
qualifications for forming a state, national areas shall
be established, and
guarantees for the
protection of their national rights shall be entrenched in
the new constitution.
The States Unity Organization submitted its
proposal for the “Establishment of a Genuine Federal Union” to the Union
parliament in the following months, and also organized a series of seminars, meetings,
and press conferences which became to be known as “federal movement” in an
unfulfilled history of the Burma’s ethnic nationalities.
In response to the demands of the Taungyi
Conference, U Nu had no choice but to invite all the political leaders and
legal experts from both the Burman and the non-Burman nationalities to what
came to be known as the Federal Seminar, at which “the issues of federalism and
the problems of minorities would be discussed with a view to finding a peaceful
solution”. 10 The States Unity
Organization launched a series of discussions and debates both inside and
outside of the parliament, and conducted a number of press conferences, even
before the first round of “Federal Seminar” was opened.
While the parliament was in session, the
first round of “Federal Seminar” was opened and chaired by Prime Minister U Nu,
at 6:00 PM on 24 February 1962. In order to broadcast the discussion
alive on radio,
the seminar was
held in the
main hall of
the Burma Broadcasting Service.
After Prime Minister’s opening speech, the “Federal Principles” was presented
by Sao Hkun Hkio, Chairman of the States Unity Organization. His presentation
was seconded by Duwa Zau Lawn, Kachin State representative, Captain Mang Tung
Nung, Chin Special Division representative, U Htun Myint (Tuangyi), Shan State
representative, and U Sein, Karenni (Kayah) State representative.
Soa Hkun Hkio, as the Chairman, presented
the “Federal Principle” as part and parcel of the document of the
“Establishment of a Genuine Federal Union” that the States Unity Organization
had adopted at the Taungyi Conference. He highlighted in his concluding
remarks, saying that: “I would like to present on behalf of the States Unity
Organization the form of union we desire.” This will involve:
(1)
The establishment of Burma Proper as one of the constituent states;
(2) The granting of equal powers to the
two champers of parliament;
(3)
The sending of an equal number of representatives from each states to
the
Chamber of Nationalities;
(4)
The voluntary granting
of certain restricted
powers to the
Union government by the states and retention of all reserve powers by
the states.
After Kayah U Sein’s presentation, who was
the last person to speak on behalf of the States Unity Organization, the first
round of Federal Seminar was concluded. The second round of the seminar was
held on 1 March 1962, and third round of seminar was scheduled on
7 March. But before the third round of
seminar was opened and before U Nu was scheduled to speak, the military led by
General Ne Win seized state power in the name of the Revolutionary Council. In
the early morning of 2 March 1962, he arrested all the non-Burman participants
of the Federal Seminar and legally elected cabinet members, including U Nu
himself, dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution and thus ended all
debate on federal issues.
The United Nationalities League for
Democracy (UNLD)
After 27 years in power, General Ne Win was
forced to resign during the student-led democracy movement in 1988. The
nation-wide popular uprising for democracy also created an opportunity for
ethnic nationalities to unite and struggle together for their common goal of
rebuilding the Union as it was envisaged in the 1947 Panglong Conference. As a
result, the United Nationalities League for Democracy was formed as an umbrella
political organization of all the non-Burman ethnic nationalities in 1988.
On the formation of a genuine Federal
Union, the UNLD has adopted seven principles of federalism for the future
constitution of the Federal Union of Burma, at its conference held in Rangoon,
on June 29 - July 2, 1990. These seven principles are:
(1)
The constitution of the Federal Union of Burma shall be formed in
accordance with the principles of federalism and democratic decentralization.
(2)
The Union Constitution shall guarantee the democratic rights of citizens
of Burma including the principles contain in the United Nation's declaration of
universal human rights.
(3)
The Union Constitution shall guarantee political equality among all
ethnic national states of the Federal Union of Burma.
(4)
The Federal Union
of Burma shall
be composed of
National States; and
all National States of the Union shall be constituted in terms of
ethnicity, rather than geographical areas. There must be at least eight
National States, namely, Chin State, Kachin State, Karen State, Kaya State, Mon
State, Myanmar or Burma State, Rakhine (Arakan State), and Shan State.
(5)
The Union Assembly shall be consisting of two legislative chambers: the
Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House) and the Chamber of Deputies (Lower
House).
(i)
The Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House) shall be composed of equal
numbers of elected representatives from the respective National States; and
(ii)
The Chamber of Deputies (Lower House) shall be composed of elected
representatives from the respective constituencies of the peoples.
The creation of a Chamber of Nationalities
based on equal representation of the member states of the Union is intended to
safeguard the rights of National States and
minorities in the
Union government. It
also intended as
a symbol and instrument of the principle of equality
among all nationalities of the Union.11
(6)
In addition to the Union Assembly, all member states of the Union shall
form their own separate Legislative Assemblies for their respective National
States. In Federalism there must be a clear separation of Union Assembly, or
Federal Parliament, from the Legislative Assemblies of the member states of the
Union. Moreover, the residual powers, that is, all powers, except those given
by member states to the
federal center, or
the Union, must
be vested in
the Legislative Assembly of the
National State. In this way, the Union Constitution automatically allocates
political authority of legislative, judiciary, and administrative powers to the
Legislative Assembly of the National States. Thus, all member states of the
Union can freely exercise the right of self-determination through the right of
self- government within their respective National States.
(7)
The Sovereignty of the Union shall be vested in the people of the Union
of Burma, and shall be exercised by the Union Assembly. Moreover, the central
government of the Federal Union shall have authority to decide on action for:
(i) monetary system, (ii) defense, (iii) foreign relation, and (iv) other
authorities which temporarily vested in the central government of Federal Union
by member states of the Union.
The Basic Principles for Future
Federal Union of Burma (2005)
On the Union Day of 2005, democratic forces
and ethnic nationalities in exile adopted “The 8
Basic Principles for Future Federal Union
of Burma”. The document was signed by 104 representatives from 42
organizations, which read as follows:
1.
Popular Sovereignty
The people of the Union of Burma, not a
particular ethnic group or state, shall be vested with the sovereign power of
the Union.
2.
Equality
All citizens of the country shall enjoy
equal rights and equal opportunity before the law; all ethnic nationalities
shall be granted equal rights to preserve,
protect and promote their culture, language, religion and national
identity; and all member states of the Union shall be entitled to exercise equal
political powers and rights.
3.
Self-determination
All ethnic nationalities and member states
of the Union shall enjoy the rights to self- determination in the areas of
politics, economics, religious, culture and other social affairs.
4.
Federal Principle
All member states of the Union shall have
their separate constitutions, their own organs of state, that is, State
Legislative Assembly, State Government and State Supreme Court. Moreover, the
Union Assembly must be a bicameral legislature consisting of a Chamber of
Nationalities (Upper House) and a Chamber of Deputies (Lower House), and each
member state of the Union shall send an equal number of representatives to the
Upper House regardless of its population or size.
5.
Minority Rights
The new Federal Constitution of Burma shall
legally protect the minority nationalities in the member states of the Union,
they shall be granted not only the rights to preserve and develop their own
culture, religion, language and national identity, but also personal autonomy,
which will enable them to ensure their rights by acting themselves within the
framework of their own institutions.
6.
Democracy, Human Rights and Gender Equality
Gender quality, democratic rights and human
rights shall be enshrined in the new Federal Constitution of the Union of
Burma; including, freedom of speech and expression, freedom of religion,
freedom of association, freedom of movement, freedom of voting and contesting
general elections, freedom of holding public office, freedom of pursuing an
education and a professional life, and freedom of pursuing happiness in life.
This includes gender equality, equal rights and equal opportunity for every
citizen regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, language, religion and age.
7.
Multi-party Democracy System
A Multi-party democracy system shall be
applied as the country’s governing system.
8.
Secular State
The Union Assembly shall make no law that
proclaims a state-religion; and the abuse of religion for political purposes
shall also be forbidden. Moreover, the Union shall strictly observe neutrality
in religious matters.
What has been achieved in the 2008 Constitution?
And What Challenges still Remain?
After all these years of struggle what has
been achieved? It may be argued that nothing has been achieved because many of
the ethnic peoples are still powerless. However, this point must be approached
from a different perspective in that how much and how far has the Government
adopted our policies and adopted them into their own policies. The best policy
is the policy that is adopted even by our adversary and implemented for the
people in the country. This is the common ground for the ethnic movement. If
both parties have the same policies there will be common ground and the
opportunity to move forward and face what
challenges still remain.
UNLD
Policies & 8 Basic Principles
1. Popular
Sovereignty
2.
Bi-cameral Legislature at Union Assembly;
3.
Equal Representation at Chamber of
Nationalities;
4.
State Assembly, State
Government & State Supreme Court
5.
Multi-party Democracy
6.
State Constitutions (self-determination & constitutional
rights);
7.
Democracy, Human Rights & Gender Equality (30% reserved seats for
women at all levels of National & State Assemblies)
8.
Equality and Self-determination
2008 Constitution
1.
Popular Sovereignty
2.
Bi-cameral Legislature at
Union Assembly;
3.
Equal Representation at
Chamber of Nationalities;
4.
State Assembly, State Government & State Supreme Court;
5. Multi-party Democracy
6. No State Constitutions (gradual transition
is needed);
7. 25%
Military; No quota
for women (gradual transition is
needed).
8. Equality but Ambiguity & No real self- determination.
This simple diagram reveals the fact that
among the five most important demands that ethnic nationalities had made during
the past sixty years; three demands are met in the 2008
Constitution. Based on what has already
been achieved, there is the potential to establish a genuine democratic Federal
Union: which can guarantee democratic rights for all citizens, political
equality for all ethnic nationalities, and the internal rights to
self-determination for all member states of the Union of Burma.
The most important and long term challenges
that still remain include the internal rights to self-determination for ethnic
nationalities who are also member states of the Union. Consequently, the UNLD
policy and the “Basic Principles for Future Federal Union” clearly define the
rights to self-determination, and have sought to achieve it through the right
to adopt their respective state constitutions within the framework of a federal
arrangement. They argue that without having state constitutions for their
respective states, they cannot claim in this
Union that ethnic nationalities have their
rights of self-determination. They also argue that having a State Assembly,
without a state constitution will be no guarantee of the right of self-
determination; without a State Constitution, the State Assembly cannot make a
genuine law because it will merely be done through the law promulgated for them
by the central government, or outside of their power. Thus, the internal rights
of self-determination for ethnic nationalities and member states of the Union
by having state constitutions is one of the main challenges for ethnic
nationalities in Burma
Concluding
Remarks
In this paper, I addressed to what extent
the 2008 Constitution satisfies the aspirations of various Ethnic Nationalities
in Burma but limit myself within the constitutional framework of “form of
state”. In so doing, I first explored what ethnic nationalities have demanded
in order to rebuild the Union of Burma based on what they call “the Panglong
Spirit”, and what kind of political system they have chosen for their future.
The major achievement in the 2008
Constitution, in terms of the form of state, is the certain elements of a
federal system that it has adopted, such as a bicameral legislature consisting
of Amyotha Hlutdaw and Pyituh Hlutdaw, equal representation from each state at
the Chamber of Nationalities, and that all member states of the Union now have
their own separate State Assemblies and State governments. However, there is no
state constitution for member states of the Union. So long as there is no state
constitution, ethnic nationalities in Burma
have argued since
the 1961 Taungyi
Conference that internal
self-determination cannot be guaranteed. So long as internal
self-determination is absent, there is no guarantee that ethnic nationalities in
Burma would be
able to protect, promote
and preserve their respective languages, cultures,
religions, ways of life, homeland and their respective ethnic national
identities.
There
are many more
pitfalls and flaws
that can still
be identified in
the 2008 Constitution, even from
the point of view of “form of state” (let alone the “form of government” and
the “rule of law” perspectives). For
instance, the composition of “states” and “divisions” are very ambiguous,
though they are given more or less the same power. For ethnic nationalities, as
it was described in the document entitled “Proposed Amendment of the Union
Constitution” at the Taungyi Conference, a “Genuine Federal Union” is meant to
be a Union based on, and formed by, the constituent states, all of which have
an equal powers and the right to internal self-determination. Thus, the
formation of Union of Burma should be based on the constituent states, and all
member states of the Union shall enjoy not only equal power and status but even
bearing the same connotation. As such, if the member states of the Union are
called “state” or “pyi”, there should be no “division” or “taing”. After all,
“pyi” and “taing” have more or less the same meaning as a country, according to
the 1852 Judson’s Burmese-English Dictionary, which read as: (ျပည္) - n. a country), (တိုင္း) - n. a country; more extensive than (ျပည).
It is hope, however, that after fifty years
of military rule, the 2008 Constitution would, one way or another, be able to
usher a democratic transition and eventually lead the country
into a genuine federal Union as it was
envisaged in the 1947 Pang long Conference, and ethnic nationalities are
striving for since then.
Endnotes
1. The Mon Kingdom was conquered by the
Burman King Alaung-paya in 1755, and the Rakhine (Arakan) Kingdom by King
Bodaw-paya in 1784.
2. The Karen National Union (KNU) rejected
the terms of the 1935 Burma Act in 1946 because they demanded independence
for a
separate homeland. They thus boycotted
general elections of the
1947 Constituent Assembly, but
the Karen Youth Organization (KYO) entered the general elections and took three
seats in the Constituent Assembly and even the cabinet post in the Aung San's
Interim Government.
3 . My concept of “nations-to-be” can be
compared with Benedict Anderson's theory of “imagined political community” and
Shamsul’s “nations-of-intent”. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities:
Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso (2nd.ed)
1991 and Shamsul A. B. “Nations-of-Intent in Malaysia” in Stein Tönnesson and
Hans Antlöv (ed.), Asian Forms of the Nation ( Copenhagen: NIAS, 1996), pp. 323-347.
4 Lian Uk, “A Message on the Golden Jubilee
of National Chin Day” in Chin Journal (February 1998), p. 185
5 Hugh Tinker, Burma: Struggle for
Independence, Vol. II (London: 1984), pp. 325–328.
6 See the resolutions of the Chin, Kachin
and Shan leaders at the SCOUHP’s meeting on March 23, 1947, and the memorandum
they presented to the FACE (the FACE report 1947).
7 Josef Silverstein, "Minority
Problems in Burma Since 1962", in Lehman (ed.,), Military Rule in Burma
Since
1962 (Singapore, 1981), p. 51.
8. Hugh Tinker, Union of Burma (London,
1957); quoted also in Tun Myint 1957, p. 13 ; See also my article in
Chin Journal (March, 1997) No.5, pp. 84-94.
9. Josef Silverstein, Burma: Military Rule
and the Politics of Stagnation (1977), p. 58.
10. Josef Silverstein in Lehman (ed.),
Military Rule in Burma Since 1962 (Singapore, 1981), p. 53.
11. As James Madison once explained
regarding the role of the Senate in the USA, the role of the Chamber of Nationalities
also will be “first to protect the people against their rulers, and secondly to
protect against the transient impressions into which they themselves might be
led”.